សវនាការ សួរដេញដោលខ្ញុំ | Questioning of me during Hearings

ស្លៀកពាក់ ភស្តុតាង | Wearing the Evidence

សវនាការ ១៤, ឈុត នយោបាយ ១៤

14 Hearings, 14 Political Attires

22 February 2022

1st Day of Interrogation of only me

When not in the dock answering questions, I’m in meditation in a namaste position or holding up a 3-finger salute during the course of the absurd hearing.

...

Gross DUE PROCESS Violations

that render all charges and proceedings NULL AND VOID.

បៃតង៖ យោងតាម មាត្រា ២៥២ នៃក្រមនីតិវិធីព្រហ្មទណ្ឌ, រយៈពេល ដែលខ្ញុំ គួរ ត្រូវ ទទួលបាន លិខិតជូនដំណឹង និង/ឬ ដីកាកោះហៅ ណាមួយ អំពី ការស៊ើបអង្កេត និងការចោទប្រកាន់ មកលើខ្ញុំ។ ការពិតជាក់ស្តែង, សូន្យ។

លឿង៖ ដីកាដំណោះស្រាយ--«ដីកាសម្រេច បញ្ជូនរឿង ទៅជំនុំ​ជម្រះ»--បានចូលជាស្ថាពរ (មាត្រា ២៥៦) នៅថ្ងៃ ២៦ សីហា ២០២០, ហើយ បន្ទាប់មក, ពីរខែកន្លះ ក្រោយមក, ខ្ញុំ បានទទួល ព័ត៌មាន ជាលើកដំបូង អំពី ការចោទប្រកាន់ មិនសមហេតុផល ទាំងនេះ នៃការក្បត់ជាតិ និងការញុះញង់។

*មាត្រា ២៥២ (ក្រមនីតិវិធី ព្រហ្មទណ្ឌ កម្ពុជា)៖ មោឃៈ​ភាព នៃការមិនគោរព ​វិធានប្បញ្ញត្តិ -- វា មានន័យថា ការចោទប្រកាន់ ត្រូវតែ ទម្លាក់ចោល ដោយគ្មានលក្ខខណ្ឌ, ហើយ ករណីនេះ ត្រូវបានបញ្ចប់។

**អ្វីៗ ផ្សេងទៀត គ្មាន ន័យអ្វី ទាំងអស់, លែងជា បញ្ហាច្បាប់ ទៀតហើយ--ឧទាហរណ៍ ការសួរដេញដោលខ្ញុំ អំពី សកម្មភាព ជុំវិញយុទ្ធនាការ ថ្ងៃ៩ វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៩។ ខ្ញុំ រីករាយ ក្នុងការឆ្លើយសំណួរ ទាំងនេះ, ប៉ុន្តែ ខ្ជះខ្ជាយ ពេលវេលា ដោយសារ ករណីនេះ ជាមោឃៈ រួចហើយ។

GREEN re Art. 252: Length of time I should have been given a Notice, Summons, and/or Warrant. Violations by BOTH the prosecutor and the investigating judge, on at least 3 occasions. Either these notices/summonses/warrants/ don't exist or they were never delivered to me. (It is not difficult to find or contact me. I am always on social media with "Public" posts, and I have a well-known phone number 012.222.552 since 2004.)

YELLOW re Art. 256: The closing order becomes final and definitive on 26 Aug. 2020, THEN AFTERWARD, I was informed for the FIRST TIME on 6 /7 Nov. 2020.

...

«ភស្តុតាង» | "EVIDENCE" !

The court acknowledges that this is ALL the "evidence" that the prosecutor/authority has against me -- 9 one-sided print-out sheets of Facebook posts I alleged made to my two Facebook accounts (the principal one "Theary C. Seng", the minor one has my name in Khmer "Seng Theary"). Under questioning by my Khmer lawyer, I acknowledged as "most likely than not" that I posted 8 of the 9 sheets (totaling 8 posts altogether), 6 with brief captions in both Khmer and English; the other 3 sheets (2 posts) of text.

(the only sheet that I denied posting as "most likely than not")

Seng Theary [in Khmer]

October 2

Hun Sen regime very good at propping up a fake culture 01 October 2019 / 01 October 2019

Under the Hun Sen regime, we are surrounded by many things that are fake, such as: fake elections, fake democracy, fake rule of law, fake development, fake angel, fake history, etc.

But there's one thing that makes everyone laughs, it's the fake degrees: Hun Sen's, his wife's, his children's and grandchildren's. All those degrees are degrees they have bought from fake universities, especially ones off the Internet. All those fake universities have only coverings; they don't teach anything, but only wait for the money from those who want to buy these fake degrees to show off/lie to others. Alternatively, there are some degrees of a second kind (of no value) that some developed countries, such as the US, give easily to students who are children/relatives of leaders from some under-developed countries, such as Cambodia. This second kind of degrees cannot be used in developed countries. They're only given to foreigners based solely on political international relations [considerations]. Hence, they allow the individuals take this second kind of degrees to brag in their birthplace, further deceiving their own people.

Under this Hun Sen regime:

- the wicked wants to be a doctorate

- the beast pretends to be an angel

- the bastard [or the lowly] wants everyone to call him Samdech [royalty].

Completely crazy!

[continued from 83/110]

…the violation of the 1991 Paris Peace Accord that requires Cambodia to adhere to democracy, free and multi-party. This Paris Peace Accord also ensures free and fair elections in Cambodia and the respect of fundamental human rights of the Cambodian people.

I have decided to return to my country to stop and to end the current dictatorial regime. However, in order to make democracy alive again by having to face the [uneducated] dictator who refuses to talk and who only wants to destroy the opposition party, I only have one choice in order to achieve my goal: it is to appeal directly to the people to prepare for "people power" like in the Philippines in 1986. I believe that the Cambodian people who are suffering and whom they have silenced for so long will rise up [en masse], through non-violence, to demand democratic change. The Cambodian people will demand change until they have it on the occasion of my return, as they cannot rely on elections because the current dictatorial regime refuses to hold any genuine election with the participation of the CNRP.

I would like to appeal to all friends of Cambodia, especially the signatories of the Paris Peace Accord*, please do every possible to warn the current ruling power in Phnom Penh not to use violence against the innocent people who are only demanding the respect for their rights and freedom as enshrined in the still relevant international accord, that is, the Paris Peace Accord.

Sam Rainsy

Co-founder and Acting President of CNRP

-----------------

The following 18 countries who signed the Paris Peace Accord of 23 October 1991: US, USSR/Russia, China, France, UK, Canada, Japan, Australia, India, Yugoslavia/Serbia, Indonesia, Thailand, Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Lao. There were 3 other countries who became signatories after 1991: Germany, Netherlands, Poland.

Seng Theary [in Khmer]

September 11

Why have I decided to return to Cambodia?

I have known long exile already. It is a suffering in my life, but it is better than being killed or imprisoned, an unavoidable fate for a political opposition leader in Cambodia to this day.

I have decided to return to my country of birth this 2019 even if I face many serious charges and arrest warrants. My struggle of the past 25 years demanding democracy for the Cambodian people by opposing a dictatorial regime led by a former Khmer Rouge military cadre has made me a victim in every way, such as the many attempted murders and cases of intimidation by this dictatorial regime in using the judiciary as its political tool. But I must return to my country to care for and strengthen what I have already built, including: establishing the first opposition media, inspiring the people to have the first mass demonstration to demand for freedom and social justice, preparing the first strike of workers in the various factories, establishing the first free union of Cambodian workers, and establishing the first opposition party with elected representatives in the National Assembly. Recently, this opposition party received votes representing half of the people in the kingdom in this last election that it was permitted to participate in.

I have chosen this upcoming November 9 as the day of my return. That day is Cambodia’s Independence Day as well as the day commemorating the fall of the Berlin Wall, a symbol of the successful demand for freedom around the world. Since 2017, Cambodia encountered a serious political crisis that may impact on neighboring countries as controversies in the Southeast Asia region are more and more tense. The move toward dictatorship in Cambodia is reflected in the dissolution of the only opposition political party CNRP with seats in Parliament along with the arrest and detention to this day of CNRP leader Kem Sokha, and the barbaric suppression of the remaining opposition activists, civil society leaders, and independent media. This shift toward dictatorship has been condemned by the UN, community of democratic countries, and many international rights organizations.

Parallel with the shift toward a one-party state like during the communist era after the dissolution of CNRP and the violation of human rights time and again is the… [continues at 83/109]